Last Thursday, the soccer players of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland played against each other. Two nights later, the rugby players from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland joined forces to beat the mighty All Blacks.

It would be easy to draw an analogy between the boring, pointless stalemate that was the soccer match and the thrilling rugby victory over the most dominant team in world sport and say that together we are always stronger.

Easy, but not accurate and entirely inappropriate when it comes to Brexit. The truth is that the sporting occasions of last week are a good illustration that there is a duality to Irishness that is reflected in our culture and our politics.

Northern Ireland is both Irish and British. This is recognised by the Good Friday Agreement, which clearly states that Northern Ireland will remain in the United Kingdom as long as that is the wish of the majority of its citizens.

The political border will be unaffected by Brexit, but there is no easy off-the-shelf solution for maintaining an invisible trade border on this island. Comparisons with the border that existed before both Ireland and the UK joined the then EEC completely fail to understand the changed landscape for food production.

There is a yawning gap in standards as required by EU farmers and food processors and those of third countries.

If the UK enters trade agreements with the likes of Brazil or the US that involve food imports without the imposition of these standards, we have to wall off that food from the EU consumer at some point. That’s the central difficulty. It’s not tariffs; it’s standards.

Ironically, many farmers voted for Brexit in part because of bureaucracy and regulation surrounding farming and food production.

Michael Gove as the UK’s environment, food and rural affairs minister understands these issues. He also has been made acutely aware by the British food sector of its fears that a no-deal Brexit could threaten food supplies. It could be one of the reasons he has stayed in cabinet to try to reach a compromise.

But the DUP isn’t for backing down (page 14), with some in the party dismissing the Ulster Farmers’ Union as “puppets” of the Northern Ireland office for giving the deal a cautious welcome.

Meanwhile, Sinn Féin’s abstentionism means the DUP are the only voice representing Northern Ireland in Westminster.

The Northern Ireland assembly has now been suspended for almost two years. If only a leader as inspirational and uniting as Rory Best could be found.