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What policies would you pursue to ensure that the agrifood sector in NI is not irrevocably damaged by Brexit? In particular, what should be done to ensure the continued free movement of goods across the Irish border?
DUP
The DUP has a strong record of supporting agriculture and the agrifood sector in Northern Ireland. We do not believe that there is any case to say that agriculture may be “irrevocably damaged by Brexit.” We will continue to use our influence locally, at Westminster and in Brussels to ensure that the Northern Ireland agrifood sector gets a good deal post-Brexit.
While we believe that we should put in place trading arrangements that are mutually beneficial with the remaining 27 EU countries we also see opportunities for reorientation of product to the GB market. This is a market which is only 60% self-sufficient and is by far our most lucrative market.
It is also the most important market for RoI agrifood, the most important market for French wine and cheese and the second biggest importer of dairy produce in the world. An EU 27 which cuts itself off from this marketplace by introducing punitive tariff barriers will be hurting its own farmers.
The DUP does not believe that this should happen and that the negotiations should centre around the best deal possible for our farmers. We believe that there is also the political will to see as free a border as possible with the Irish Republic. In Europe we have spent time speaking to Michael Barnier and others about the issue and will continue this work to ensure that this is a high priority.
We want to see a post-Brexit agriculture policy that supports productive agriculture, helps deal with market volatility, supports environmental outcomes and minimises bureaucracy for the sector.
UUP
We welcome that issues surrounding the NI/RoI border are recognised by UK and EU officials as key aspects of the Brexit negotiations.
The facts speak for themselves, the agrifood industries in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland are intertwined and interdependent.
Ensuring that the cross-border supply chains on which so many jobs and businesses depend are not disrupted post-Brexit is a challenge that requires a practical, workable solution and there appears to be a willingness to find it. Technology has a part to play, learning from other examples is key.
SDLP
Preventing the emergence of a hard border across the island of Ireland is a key priority for the SDLP.Central to our approach is retaining access to the four freedoms which we currently enjoy as members of the European Union and its single market. This of course includes the free movement of goods.
In relation to this we feel that other measures must be adopted to limit the damage caused to our farmers and producers. For example, the SDLP have for a number of years been calling for an all island quality mark labelling system for our agricultural produce. The island of Ireland’s agricultural produce is of an exceptionally high quality and enjoys a solid international reputation. It has moved from being a matter of common sense to a matter of urgency that it is marketed on an all island basis.
Alliance
We are concerned that agriculture and agrifood is much more important to Northern Ireland’s economy than to the English economy, and our interests in this regard would not be accounted for in an overall UK approach to Brexit.
This is the case for continued agricultural support and also for developing our farming exports. Alliance has been clear – the only sustainable solution is for special status for Northern Ireland. This would enable us to retain access to the single market and ensure free movement of goods and people across the border.
Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin campaigned for Remain in the 2016 referendum, and one of our prime concerns about Brexit was the effect which leaving the EU would have on our agrifood industry and our farming and rural communities.
Theresa May’s recent speech promoting the option of a hard Brexit would be potentially disastrous for these sectors.
We will use all the political strength at our disposal to press for the best possible deal for the Six Counties – within the political institutions, campaigning with the community and in direct talks with the British and Irish governments.
Cross-border trade on the island of Ireland is a key part of our economy, and the two governments must make every provision for the least amount of disruption possible – we shall be reminding the governments of this at every point.
Our farmers’ produce must not be sacrificed in the making of trade deals with the EU and beyond.
Whatever new agriculture policy is introduced by the British government in the future, we will be standing up for our farmers – they must continue to be funded to make farming a viable industry and lifestyle, and there must be equality – there cannot be any return to a two-tier system in farming, based on payments on the basis of production.
All farmers are guardians of the countryside – protecting and improving our environment must be rewarded by payments under any new system, while neglect and criminality such as pollution and illegal waste dumping must be punished.
We were told that many peoples’ motivation to vote to Leave the EU was to see an end to ‘Brussels red tape and over regulation’. All regulations and measures should be proportionate, sensible and as easy as possible to implement.
In the future there may be scope to examine what we have inherited from the EU but the fact that we will be seeking to export our produce to the EU and beyond logically means that we will be expected to adhere to the same level of regulation as exists in those countries at present.
(Note: Sinn Féin provided one general response to all Brexit related questions and are not featured in the following four answers.)
What will you do to ensure that NI farmers are not sacrificed in UK trade deals with non-EU countries?
DUP
We believe that UK producers should be protected from imports from non-EU countries particularly for sensitive products. This could be done either by introducing tariffs on non-EU origin products or placing quotas on imports from non-EU producers. Nothing should be imported into the UK at a lower standard than that expected from UK farmers.
UUP
International trade is a reserved matter, it is vital that politicians and the local industry continue to make a positive case for safeguarding local producers to ensure that the value of a vibrant domestic agricultural industry is reflected in the UK’s negotiating position as post-Brexit trade deals are thrashed out.
NI’s farmers and growers produce food to the highest welfare, environmental and traceability standards. The UK consumer, and indeed consumers in many key markets (including the EU where 72% of the UK’s agricultural exports currently go), demand these high standards. We are not anti-trade but there needs to be a level playing field.
If HMG wished to pursue a cheap food policy by opening up the UK to food imports produced to lower standards it could harm a domestic industry that not only produces top quality food, but also generates a range of broader socio-economic benefits for all parts of the UK. In the Ulster Unionist Party manifesto we have made a commitment to back local produce by ensuring every public body only purchases food to local standards of production.
Food security is another key consideration. Recent reports of shortages of certain vegetables highlight the potential risks associated with relying on other countries for our food and a string of reports have flagged up the need for the UK to become more self-sufficient.
A recent report suggested that 52% of the food eaten in the UK is produced by British farmers, increasing self-sufficiency would not only benefit local farmers but also consumers. There is a strong case for ensuring that local producers are not sacrificed in trade agreements with non-EU countries, we will continue to make the case for this throughout negotiations.
SDLP
Farmers in NI have been left unforgivably exposed by the result of the referendum. Our rural context, land ownership model, climate and access routes to markets are all substantially different to England, Scotland or Wales. These unique local factors must be represented within any future negotiations.
Of all political parties within Northern Ireland, the SDLP is the only party to belong to a major political grouping within the European institutions. We have been using this unique strength and opportunity to ensure Northern Ireland’s voice is heard clearly within Brussels.
We will also be working with all willing partners in Dublin and London, to ensure these needs are addressed.
Alliance
It is clear that the UK Government has no concern for farmers in traditional livestock areas of the UK, including Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. It is not possible to promise that farmers will be protected given the concentration on financial services and similar sectors in London.
Would your party be willing to take money from the block grant to top-up future direct payments to farmers?
DUP
As the UK are net contributors to the EU, we believe there is no reason why UK agriculture should not be supported as much, if not more, post-leaving the EU as it is at present. This funding should then be used to increase the NI block grant which we will support going towards the agricultural sector.
When the UK leaves the EU, it is likely that the remaining countries will receive significantly less support for agriculture. The DUP has always supported the sector and will continue to support the sector post leaving the EU.
UUP
Yes. A lot depends on how much funding HMG will allocate to UK agriculture and how much decision making is devolved to the NI Assembly in relation to agricultural, rural development and relevant environmental policy.
The shape of future agricultural support policy will also depend on the nature of the UK’s trade policy/priority given to food security which is not a devolved matter.
It terms of funding it is important that NI’s share of UK CAP funds is reflected in post-Brexit agricultural funding.
SDLP
The SDLP has published a comprehensive series of proposals regarding Brexit, central to which is securing continued agricultural funding and other streams through a recasting of the north-south structures.
We feel that continuing funding allocations along existing streams is the most cost-efficient approach. Creating a new administrative bureaucracy within Northern Ireland will impose not only a cost but introduce further confusion to the situation.
Alliance
The proposed UK withdrawal from the European Union has created a period of deep uncertainty for Northern Ireland’s farmers. It is not yet clear what will happen to agricultural support, nor whether farmers will have the same level of market access to sell their produce.
In addition, we have received no guarantees that current EU powers over agriculture will be devolved to the NI Assembly, nor that we will receive the current proportional share of UK agricultural funding that is spent in NI.
A ‘perfect storm’ of these factors could have a significantly damaging impact on Northern Ireland’s farmers. Alliance wants to see a speedy resolution to these issues. Only once this is clear will we be able to plan effectively for agricultural support following Brexit.
How should support be directed to farmers post-Brexit?
DUP
Support should be targeted to help improve the productivity of the sector and make farming more profitable. Support needs to ensure that the sector becomes more environmentally sustainable by improving water and air quality.
We believe that the funding of the recently published land management strategy, ‘Delivering Our Future, Valuing our Soil’ would be a good basis for directing support. A scheme needs to be introduced that helps NI farmers to deal with volatility in market prices.
UUP
UK farmers should continue to receive direct support post-Brexit. More workable agri-environment schemes developed specifically to suit the UK’s particular landscape and climate should also play an important part in the future and would provide a top-up for farmers for providing public goods.
For example, outside the CAP there could be more leeway for farmers to carry out work that helps to alleviate flooding. In general, there is scope for a more joined-up approach in relation to developing and implementing agricultural improvements, rural development and environmental policies and schemes once the UK exit the EU, although some have questioned whether DEFRA has the capacity for this task given funding cuts.
A transitional period is needed to allow the industry to adjust to new arrangements as they are phased in.
SDLP
Our agriculture spokesperson, Patsy McGlone, has already convened a series of conferences and meetings focusing on the needs of farmers in Northern Ireland in light of Brexit and we will continue to raise these factors within the European institutions and among our sister parties across Europe.
On 21 November 2016 Patsy McGlone also secured support in the Assembly to instruct the Minister for Agriculture to develop a strategy to provide for, and secure, the long-term sustainability of the agricultural and agrifood sectors. We will continue to press for this urgent securing of the long-term sustainability of the agricultural and agrifood sectors.
Margaret Ritchie MP has also raised farming in the Brexit context on the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee in London and in the House of Commons.
Alliance
Alliance believe that supporting our farmers is imperative for the Executive. Regardless of the outcome of this scenario, we will push for the following values to be implemented in agricultural support: securing membership of the EU’s single market and customs union, ensuring our largest customers do not see price rises as a result of tariffs.
Limiting the amount of agricultural support payments to the wealthiest farms so that farming support is prioritised for small and medium-sized family farms. Paying agricultural support monies up-front (like all other EU regions and member states) to ease farmers’ cash flow.
Ensuring that a small proportion of NI’s agricultural support funding is used for rural development projects and support schemes including: agrifood support; improving farm safety; tackling disease control; supporting innovation and research in rural businesses and promoting sustainability.
Directing a greater proportion of resources to farmers who operate environmentally sustainable farming methods and assisting farmers to develop micro-generation on their land.
Farmers were promised a ‘bonfire of red tape’ by Brexit campaigners. What specific rules and regulations would your party seek to amend or cut?
DUP
There are many rules that can be amended once the UK leaves the EU. Two examples include dates for the spreading of organic manures and rules surrounding land eligibility for basic payments. We believe that a new support system for UK agriculture can do away with much of the red tape faced by the industry. Any new policy should be science-based and designed to suit the UK and not the entire EU.
We in the DUP have been clear that post-Brexit agriculture will not be free of rules. What we want is a system with fewer and more appropriate rules, less bureaucracy, proportionate penalties and standards which ensure our produce has unique selling points and is second to none in relation to high quality, traceable and safety.
We do recognise that the Government may initially transpose many of the regulations to ensure short-term stability and to provide a platform for new relations with many of our current or potential trading partners both inside and outside the EU.
UUP
DEFRA and DAERA have disappointingly provided very little substance or detail in relation to the shape of future agricultural and environmental requirements.
Developing a CAP policy that could be applied to 28 very different EU member states resulted in key aspects of the policy, such as the three-crop rule, being largely irrelevant to a region like NI.
Brexit means an end to this one-size-fits-all approach to policy and is an opportunity, in theory at least, to develop agricultural and environmental policies that suit NI’s agricultural industry, landscape and climate.
No more three-crop rule; streamlining inspections and changing the relationship between DAERA and farmers to make it more about advice and partnership than policing and penalties; commonsense rules when it comes to defining landscape features, and crucially ending farming by arbitrary dates are all options.
The UUP will seek a lifting of the closed slurry spreading period, and any other areas where there is considerable scope for simplification and reducing unnecessary farm bureaucracy.
SDLP
Many of the promises made by those campaigning for Brexit have already been widely discredited and it has been clear that since the result that Brexit campaigners have had no plan, no strategy and no proposals.
The SDLP believes that a continuous review of regulations is best practice to ensure that no additional burdens are placed on farmers and producers.
Alliance
Alliance made no promise like this given that many European regulations may continue to be applied if the UK leaves the EU but seeks to continue trade. However, we have always thought that we should reduce the regulatory burden were possible, in particular around gold-plating of regulations by the NI Executive.
Are you willing to support a cull of badgers in areas where there is high incidence of bovine TB?
DUP
The DUP supports the vast majority of the recommendations proposed in the report by the TB Strategic Partnership Group including a cull of wildlife in areas where there is a high incidence of bovine TB.
UUP
Yes. Bovine TB is a devastating disease that has a huge emotional and economic impact. Testing and the restrictions associated with bovine TB breakdowns place immense pressure on farmers and their families, cause stress for livestock and result in the destruction of cattle. The disease also has a negative impact on badger welfare.
It is clear that efforts to tackle this disease have so far been unsuccessful – eradicating this scourge must be a priority. There is a proven case for addressing the bovine TB wildlife reservoir in hot spot areas in a meaningful way but this must only be one part of a broader, comprehensive eradication strategy.
SDLP
Tackling bovine TB must be a priority for the Department. The SDLP believes that international best practice shows that a range of measures are needed which includes the removal of infected animals.
Alliance
We recognise the economic impact of bovine TB on the farming community and the need for science and evidence-based procedures to eradicate the disease. We oppose area-based badger culling as we do not believe it is proven to be effective or humane and, in England, has led to increases in Bovine TB outside the cull area.
We do support research into the cause and transmission of bovine TB and the effectiveness of trapping and testing; as well as more cost-effective versions of cattle vaccinations.
Sinn Féin
Bovine TB is a significant problem in NI, costing in the region of £30 million per year. In December 2016 the TB Strategic Partnership Group published the Bovine TB Eradication Strategy.
This piece of work, which took place over the past two years, evaluated the current situation in the North, best practice elsewhere and how to move forward towards better control and eradication of bovine TB. Measures were put forward as part of that strategy including regulatory, financial and veterinary, with a clear indication that none of these were standalone and needed to be implemented in full.
This plan is currently being considered by the minister and will go out for consultation. Sinn Féin is evaluating the plan and will engage with all stakeholders on the detail of the plan.
Do you think that NI requires specific climate change legislation?
DUP
No, Northern Ireland does not need specific climate change legislation but can continue to play its part in terms of UK-wide targets. We will support the Northern Ireland agrifood sector continuing to focus on reducing greenhouse gas emissions per unit of output.
A recent report from DAERA has shown that from 1990 to 2014, dairy farming in Northern Ireland has reduced its emissions on a per unit of production basis by over 30%. We will look to replicate this trend in other sectors.
UUP
In the absence of NI specific legislation, we remain committed to reducing our carbon emissions in line with the United Kingdom’s legal commitments.
We are aware however of some aspiration locally for a NI specific climate change act. We therefore would commission a study on the potential benefits of a dedicated NI act, investigating also all potential disadvantages such as whether it would cause any unnecessary duplication.
SDLP
The SDLP believes that the range of circumstances unique to Northern Ireland with respect to climate change and the future of our rural economy suggest local climate change legislation is appropriate. However, the benefits of any specific legislation would only become apparent if legislation is introduced without adding undue additional costs on to farmers or the public.
Alliance
Yes. Alliance is a pro-environment party. We believe that man-made climate change is real and has potentially disastrous consequences for human existence on earth. We also believe that agriculture, biodiversity and animal welfare are part of our natural heritage.
It is essential that all regions, and nations, work together to reduce carbon emissions and develop solutions that will mitigate the impact of climate change. Alliance supports developing a climate change act for NI, with a clear ‘road map’ for implementation.
Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin is in favour of climate change legislation for the North. A cross departmental Committee on Climate Change advised that a Climate Change legislation was appropriate to ensure the North meets it’s targets. Legislation is in place in Scotland and Wales and in the Republic of Ireland.
Would your party seek to reinstate payments to farmers in ANCs?
DUP
In the last mandate the DUP ensured that there was a transitional arrangement in placed that will result in ANC payments in 2017. The DUP do not support taking money from basic payments in order to fund an ANC payment.
We do however believe that there should be support for those who are farming more remote areas to prevent land abandonment and ensure that the environment is protected. This needs to be reflected in the new support arrangements post-Brexit.
UUP
Farms in ANCs are a key part of the NI agricultural industry, producing livestock and managing the natural landscape that is often taken for granted, they also support rural communities. The UK’s post-Brexit trade policy has the potential to impact upon many of the farms in the ANCs, for example, without adequate safeguards trade deals with New Zealand or Mercosur would hit the local sheep and beef sectors hard.
It will be important to ensure that future trade, direct support and environmental policies complement each other. It will be particularly important that future polices, direct support and environmental payments do not result in farms in ANCs de-stocking. In terms of payments specifically for farms in ANCs we keep an open mind as much depends on trade policy.
SDLP
On 2015 figures, around £280m is invested in the agricultural economy through subsidies. About €79m has been invested in ANCs. In many instances, these represent basic payments and provide many within the farming population their sole source of income. The SDLP believes it is important that the farming and rural way of life is safeguarded.
Alliance
David Ford has been supportive of those farmers who were being removed from ANC designation because of the inappropriate use of electoral wards to define future ANCs. Alliance believes that future agricultural support will have to include a measure of ANC support given the importance of such areas to the entire agricultural economy.
Sinn Féin
Areas of Natural Constraint Scheme supports farming in less-favoured areas. The reduction in 2017 and removal in 2018 of the ANC payments as announced by the minister, will have a major impact on farmers in those areas. As a party we believe the ANC payments should continue for the current CAP period.
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