There were two Charlie Haugheys — perhaps more if you include the philandering Charlie who dallied with far more than Terry.

Those I knew best were the intelligent, highly competent politician and the other persona with serious imbalance on issues of personal finance.

I had known Charlie for more than 50 years. First, he was the young auditor in the young company that eventually settled as Haughey Boland. Charlie audited the Irish Farmers Journal annual accounts. The junior assistant was another bright young accountant, Des Traynor. They were a great pair to work with — helpful in business matters to the young Journal and accurate in guidance.

Business and political involvements prospered. By 1964, without background in the industry, Charles Haughey became Minister for Agriculture.

After a succession of mediocrities a highly intelligent minister was a godsend to the industry. It was more than a political appointment. A political master took charge and he governed with skill. The 1964 Anglo Irish Agreement was being finalised. Value to beef, sheep and milk was provided and policy was turned to progress.

As Minister, Haughey worked a long day — he cleared files with alacrity and was decisive in policy decisions. We had the most effective and most intelligent Minister for Agriculture in the history of the State. The initial programme of creamery consolidation came his way. A multiplicity of small creameries detracted from farm profits. Waterford, Kerry and the Avonmore amalgam were closely involved. No political or administrative issue was allowed interfere with merger. Ballyragget became the centre of Avonmore on its merits and despite politically lobbying. Yes, FryCadbury remained in Rathmore. Dick Godsil, a friend, had a say but there was no great commercial loss.

Relations with the NFA were close and positive during those early years in office. Charlie attended National Council meetings, explaining details and outlining the constraints on meeting all wishes. With Rickard Deasy I heard him develop on Ireland’s prospective EEC entry. Farming should be geared to reap advantage and NFA should take a lead in effecting change. Rickard Deasy agreed. He produced a supportive booklet and put machinery in motion.

Relations fractured in the summer of 1966. De Valera was on his final election as national President. Haughey was director of elections and he felt that his political future was balancing on Dev’s success. His election was by no means certain.

Farm prices, particularly those of milk and pigs were issues at the time. Charlie came under pressure from Fianna Fail interests in the South. These had ICMSA associates.

With Dev votes at stake more was conceded with ICMSA appearing to benefit greater than NFA. Relations with the Minister chilled. Deasy persisted in his organisation’s demands. These had become more compelling with declining farm prices.

Cattle weakened as the year advanced. The normal autumn bulge in cattle supplies was accentuated by low exports earlier in that year. Dialogue between Ministerand president came to a halt. Each man had his imperious streak. That did not help compromise.

The farmers’ march to Dublin — then we had closed doors on arrival at the Department of Agriculture. The sorry tale of cleavage between Government and organised farmers followed.

Haughey was followed by Blayney, a Minister with none of his ability and lacking in any consideration for the farming industry. Preparation of farming for EEC entrycame to a halt. Blayney did not care. We are all the poorer in consequence.

Strained relations with farmers

ON Lemass’s departure in 1966 Charles Haughey took over as Finance Minister. Relations with the farming industry were strained for many years. Evidence of tension was apparent when stock were seized from farms of prominent IFA supporters.

In early 1969 Haughey endeavoured to stop an ACC loan for the building of the Farm Centre. He failed in his efforts. He succeeded in opposing the appointment of Jack Hynes from NET to the board of the newly formed FBD. However, he did not succeed in stopping business between FBD and NET.

The later years of the 1960s were unpleasant and unproductive. Brian Lenihan worked hard to mend relations and was succeeding when Haughey became involved in the arms import venture — another disaster.

I must refer to the departure of Ken Whitaker during Haughey’s regime in Finance. Ken was a most successful Department Secretary. His policies marked the origin of economic success in Ireland. His move to the governorship of the Central Bank during Haughey’s period was earlier than normal in career terms. Ken Whitaker has refused to discuss the issues involved. Haughey responded to me with a four letter word. A key defender of financial stability was lost when Whitaker went.

The story of arms imports and subsequent trial has been long told. Republicanism featured but I can say that the Haughey attachment was more one of convenience than dedication. I never found deep green commitment in words or attachments. Lynch, the Taoiseach, was Charlie’s target. Departure from government left him time and energy to prepare for his political rebound.

In good time the burdens of office were placed on his shoulders. Jack Lynch had made a mess of State finances — there was no Whitaker to restrain him. Taxes were high and increasing. Borrowing was excessive and likely to grow. The economy was declining. Haughey diagnosed correctly and promised remedial action.

When time for action came the moral fibre for radical change was missing. Spending and taxing continued as before. The financial mess continued. In late 1982 a Fine Gael/Labour coalition took over Government. Garret as leader was little better than Charlie. The Irish Farmers Journal vigorously criticised Garret’s handling. Charlie called on me at Ballydague and said ‘‘keep up the good work’’. But, ‘‘you had the opportunity’’ I said. No coherent response.

In the spring of 1987 Haughey returned to power without a full majority — two seats short. Fine Gael leader Alan Dukes in his Tallaght strategy agreed to back the Government in a programme of national recovery. Ray MacSharry as an unrelenting Minister of Finance also helped. In leading the national rebound Haughey was intelligent and decisive. His intelligence predominated in deal working. Success was a cultivated process, nourished by the Haughey capacity for deal making.

In this period the second Haughey came to full vigour. The lifestyle created a demand for more and more money. In the farming industry cash payments came in volume from the meat sector. A regular monthly payment was delivered to Kinsealy by the livestock sector.

Other contributions to the life style are well recorded. An unhealthy approach was introduced to relations between party and business. The remnants may be still with us.

Haughey’s ability served us well. But the taint of the backhand was a regrettable part of the same character.

This article was originally published in the Irish Farmers Journal on 24 June 2006